Despite women’s visibility as political leaders, voters, and workers, Bangladesh’s democratic institutions continue to limit their substantive influence, privileging elite dynastic women over grassroots leaders
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Bangladesh’s democratic trajectory reveals a persistent paradox. Despite the prominence of women in national leadership, strong female voter turnout, and significant economic participation, particularly in the ready-made garment sector, their substantive engagement in formal politics remains limited. This essay examines how structural constraints within major political parties, notably the Awami League (AL) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), as well as broader societal norms, have shaped and sustained this disparity under both AL- and BNP-led governments. It argues for a more inclusive and intersectional model of political representation to bridge the gap between women’s symbolic visibility and their actual influence within Bangladesh’s political institutions.
The National Parliament of Bangladesh (Jatiya Sangsad) consists of 350 seats, of which 300 are filled through direct elections. The remaining 50 are “reserve seat women parliamentarians” (RSWP) seats, which are allocated to parties in proportion to the votes they won during elections. Originally introduced as a temporary special measure, RSWP was implemented to ensure a minimum level of women’s representation in parliament; however, over time, women’s political representation in Bangladesh came to rely primarily on the reserved seats. Male-dominated party structures, economic constraints, and socio-cultural norms about women’s roles in society have collectively limited women’s direct entry into parliament through competitive electoral politics.
Originally introduced as a temporary special measure, RSWP was implemented to ensure a minimum level of women’s representation in parliament; however, over time, women’s political representation in Bangladesh came to rely primarily on the reserved seats.
This trend of marginal electoral participation by women candidates has continued in the recent February 2026 General Elections, where only seven women candidates were directly elected as Members of Parliament (MPs), and only three women were appointed to the newly formed 50-member cabinet. Thus, both the new government and cabinet will see the lowest number of women representatives in Bangladesh in the last 25 years. Currently, the Ministry of Women and Children’s Affairs is also headed by a male minister (A.Z.M. Zahid Hossain), reflecting the limited representation of women in key decision-making roles.
The two stalwarts of Bangladeshi politics, Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, served as prime ministers for nearly 31 years combined since the establishment of the Second Parliamentary Republic in 1991. Yet, this has not translated into an increase in women’s share in the Bangladeshi parliamentary proceedings compared to their male counterparts.
Since 1973, the descriptive representation of women in the Bangladeshi National Parliament through the RSWP provision has steadily increased. Originally, the 1972 Constitution granted 15 reserved seats for women for 10 years, which was increased to 50 by the 15th constitutional amendment in 2011. It was meant to be a temporary affirmative measure for women to obtain the necessary expertise by participating in parliamentary proceedings and grassroots activism to enter formal electoral politics. However, over time, the quota came to be appropriated by political parties to avoid nominating women candidates to contest general seats during elections.
The two stalwarts of Bangladeshi politics, Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia, served as prime ministers for nearly 31 years combined since the establishment of the Second Parliamentary Republic in 1991.
When the Sheikh Hasina-led Awami League ascended to power in 1996, women’s share in general seats stood at only 8 out of 300, representing only 11.5 percent (including 30 RSWP candidates) of the parliament. Under Hasina’s near-unchallenged regime from 2009 to 2024, women MPs (and RSWP) have averaged an increased share of 20.1 percent representation in the parliament, with 21 women candidates being elected in 2008, 19 in 2014, and 22 in 2019. While the controversial 2024 general elections saw the highest recorded number of women candidates (94) running for parliamentary seats, the share of elected women MPs fell to just 12, before Sheikh Hasina and AL were ousted from power.
The July Revolution was hailed as a landmark moment in women-led resistance due to their active participation in the protest. However, once the dust began to settle, women protestors and leaders began to be systematically sidelined in political decision-making. As the movement fragmented due to ideological divides among protest camps, women protestors (particularly female students) stepped back as men took centre stage in leadership positions.
The July Revolution was hailed as a landmark moment in women-led resistance due to their active participation in the protest.
The ‘tokenisation’ of women’s political representation has continued as the Tarique Rahman-led BNP party formed the government in Bangladesh. Currently, there are seven elected women MPs in the Parliament, a minuscule improvement from Khaleda Zia’s first term in office back in 1991 (five elected women MPs), but 2026 figures stagnated at the same number as her second term in 2001. The 2026 General Election also witnessed the lowest number of women candidates to date (78), amounting to only 3.93 percent of the 1,981 candidates contesting the elections. Over 30 political parties, including Jamaat-e-Islami, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), Jonotar Dal, and Bangladesh Nationalist Front, did not nominate any women candidates for the elections. Furthermore, amongst 78 women candidates and 7 elected women MPs, a significant number have familial or marital ties with powerful and influential political figures, leaving little space for the growth of women leaders at the grassroots level.
The limited scope of women’s political representation in Bangladesh, combined with the dynastic dominance of elite women in Parliament, has disproportionately marginalised poor and working-class women. The discourse of women’s “empowerment” has largely excluded female garment workers, despite their central role in sustaining the national economy.
Bangladesh is the world’s second-largest ready-made garment (RMG) exporter, generating US$ 47 billion in 2022–23 and accounting for 82 percent of total export earnings. Women constitute more than 80 percent of the industry’s approximately 4 million workers as of 2022, making the RMG sector the country’s largest formal employer of women. This feminisation of labour was a deliberate economic strategy designed to attract foreign investment by relying on low-wage female labour. Yet, workers frequently state that they are seen as “disposable” and reduced to mere productive bodies.
During the July uprising, female garment workers joined student protesters to demand higher wages, improved working conditions, and a meaningful role in political decision-making. In the immediate aftermath, the closure of factories linked to former ruling-party members left many workers unemployed and unpaid. As the interim government assumed office, both female garment workers and student activists once again became politically invisible.
This exclusion underscores how the intersection of gender and class shapes political marginalisation.
A key demand of garment workers was a 15-percent wage increase to offset rising inflation, inspired by the uprising’s anti-discrimination slogan. The interim government approved only a 9-percent increase, while shortening the wage review cycle from five to three years. Subsequent clashes with law enforcement reinforced perceptions that labour dissent was still being suppressed.
This exclusion underscores how the intersection of gender and class shapes political marginalisation. Working-class women face structural barriers, including unpaid domestic responsibilities, limited social and financial support, and the reluctance of male party leaders to nominate female candidates. Consequently, women’s representation remains concentrated among elite families. Both the Bangladesh Nationalist Party and the Awami League have institutionalised these patterns, ensuring that women’s political advancement remains dependent on loyalty to male-dominated party structures rather than grassroots leadership.
The critical underrepresentation of women in Bangladesh’s electoral landscape stands contrasts starkly with the Representation of the People Order (RPO) mandating a goal of 33 percent female representation in political party committees by 2030. However, the current figure stand at a paltry 2.33 percent. The results of the 2026 General Elections, even after the anti-discrimination sentiments of the July revolution, necessitate immediate and concentrated gender-sensitive efforts to mobilise more women candidates.
The responsibility begins with political parties taking proactive steps to nominate more women candidates for general election seats, moving beyond an overreliance on the reserved-seat system.
The responsibility begins with political parties taking proactive steps to nominate more women candidates for general election seats, moving beyond an overreliance on the reserved-seat system. While RSWP seats remain an important mechanism for advancing women’s political representation, strengthening women’s participation in general constituencies can further enhance their autonomy, visibility, and influence within governance structures. Political parties can play a transformative role by challenging patriarchal norms in candidate selection and building more inclusive political networks through transparent, merit-based nomination processes. Such measures would enable aspiring women leaders to better understand, prepare for, and access political opportunities. At a broader structural level, addressing disparities in education and socio-economic inequalities is equally essential to fostering a more inclusive and representative political landscape—one that recognises the diverse experiences of women across class and social backgrounds in Bangladesh.
Anasua Basu Ray Chaudhury is a Senior Fellow with the Neighbourhood Initiative at the Observer Research Foundation.
Shreya Das is an Intern at Observer Research Foundation.
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Anasua Basu Ray Chaudhury is Senior Fellow with ORF’s Neighbourhood Initiative. She is the Editor, ORF Bangla. She specialises in regional and sub-regional cooperation in ...
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