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This Issue Brief analyses the possible nuclear and radiological threats that India could face. It also examines the various ways in which these threats could occur and the likely actors inclined to carry them out.

In light of the 2014 NTI Index which ranks India 23rd out of 25 countries with weapons-usable nuclear materials, this issue brief highlights problem areas in the Index and proposes suggestions for improving the Indian nuclear security regime.

'Nuclear Security in India' Report, launched recently by former PM Envoy on Non-Proliferation Rakesh Sood, sets out a list of policy recommendations which essentially seeks to address the gaps that still remain in the overall architecture of nuclear security in the country.

What is the way ahead? For one, the global efforts in ensuring the safety and security of nuclear materials need to furthered.

A study conducted by Observer Research Foundation in 2014-15 found that India has a fairly strong nuclear security policy.

The security of nuclear and radiological materials is a critical global issue due to the growing number of existing and emerging threats in the nuclear domain. Within the broad domain of nuclear security, several challenges and threats—such as the physical protection of nuclear materials, insider threat, transportation security, and cyber threats—have raised concerns among governments and the international community. This report focuses on th

Insider threats targeting nuclear plants have always been a concern. A stressful pandemic exacerbates those existing risks.

While India has instituted pretty stringent measures, some of which are lacking in even other key nuclear players, India has done a bad job of advertising to the global community of what it has done. This has meant poor appreciation of India's efforts in the area of Nuclear Security.

It is essential that the government goes ahead and tables the NSRA Bill.

This research provides an empirical analysis of India’s limited, but transformative position in the global nuclear order. By examining India’s bid for a Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) membership, this paper makes three major arguments. First, India’s attempt to acquire veto power status through the NSG challenges classical revisionism in international relations theory. Second, India’s rise through the NSG is based on selective coalition-bu

India should recognise that no country has a completely fool-proof mechanism and it should not get excessively defensive about its nuclear security policies and practices.

The extant scholarship on India’s nuclear doctrine, while problematising the credibility deficit in the strategy of massive retaliation, fails to provide a policy alternative. This study examines the alternative of flexible response available for India and makes an assessment of whether it provides a solution to this problem in India’s nuclear doctrine. Even when flexible response is often cited in India’s strategic circles as a likely alte

Cyber security should take centrestage in nuclear-policymaking. This brief evaluates the current state of cyber security in India’s civilian and military nuclear systems, as gleaned from both incidents of breach on-ground and analyses in the public discourse. It outlines the level of threats faced in this domain, and makes a case for the development of policy measures for an integrated cyber-nuclear security strategy.

Even as India has had a long-running debate about many aspects of its nuclear doctrine, most importantly, its No First Use (NFU) policy, the country continues to maintain the NFU. This paper makes a critical assessment of recent arguments made by Christopher Clary and Vipin Narang that India may be reconsidering its NFU policy because of counterforce “temptations”. The paper dissects the evidence they present—statements made by mostly retir

The paper examines how the Nuclear Suppliers Group has evolved over the years and the role the Group defines for itself. It also attempts to provide a more nuanced understanding of the consequences of India's NSG-membership.

This paper examines Indian policies and decisions on Iran's nuclear programme and reveals a number of critical factors which have influenced New Delhi on this matter in varying degrees.

Advances in technology, the shifting sands of the global nuclear energy market, and the extant standards and practices surrounding the monitoring of radioactive materials raise important questions about the future of nuclear security. Technological advancements have enabled the retrieval of radioactive materials from unconventional sources and made fuel fabrication easier. The emergence of new players in the nuclear energy market also flags conce

Radiological sources are used extensively in civilian sectors including for medical, industrial, agricultural and research purposes.  While the positive benefits are well-recognised, concerns about terrorists using these materials to develop a “dirty bomb” are also well-known.  Because of the extensive use of radiological materials in the civilian sector, these are easily accessible. The absence of an overarching regime covering radioactive

This Paper offers a broad and objective analysis on the controversial issue of 'uclear liability', India's concerns and provides a recommendation for a coherent and comprehensive approach to resolve this conundrum.

The US must consider giving nuclear no-first-use assurance to North Korea in return for non-use and no further missile or nuclear tests

The West’s failure to understand the New Nuclear Age is the real reason for today’s nuclear pessimism.

सध्याच्या साथरोगासारखी अत्यंत टोकाची तणावग्रस्त परिस्थिती उद्भवली, तर आण्विक प्रकल्पामधील अंतर्गत धोके आणखी गंभीर होण्याची शक्यता असते.

भारताकडे असलेली 160 वॉरहेड्स आणि नवीन डिलिव्हरी वाहने विरोधकांना निश्चल करण्यासाठी आणि प्रतिकारशक्तीला विश्वासार्ह बनवण्यासाठी पुरेशी आहेत.

अण्वस्त्रे बाळगण्याची इच्छा हे पश्चिम आशियातील देशांचे  बऱ्याच काळापासूनचे उद्दिष्ट आहे.  ते येत्या काळातल्या कमकुवत अण्वस्त्र अप्रसार नियमांमुळे पूर्ण होऊ शकते.

भारत-चीन संघर्ष लवकर मिटला नाही तर तो सोडवण्यासाठी दोन्ही अण्वस्त्रधारी राष्ट्रे आपली अण्वस्त्रे परजतील का, याबद्दल सरंक्षण क्षेत्रात मोठी चर्चा होत आहे.

क्या चीन को INF संधि में शामिल किया जाना चाहिए? अमेरिका के राष्ट्रपति डॉनल्ड ट्रंप ने इस संधि से अलग होने का इसे भी एक कारण माना है. INF संधि ने दुनिया में हथियारों की होड़ को कम क�

जागतिक आणि विशेषतः आशियाई राजकारणाचा सध्याचा कल पाहता, आण्विक नि:शस्त्रीकरणाच्या दिशेने फारशी प्रगती झालेली नाही.