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The Supreme Court is hearing the case against Article 35A. A decision at this juncture against it could once again plunge Kashmir into turmoil.

By merely eliminating terrorists, security forces aren’t addressing the Jihadi ecosystem existing in J&K.

Kashmir is in trouble. Several incidents in quick succession that shattered peace in the State over the past few weeks are ominous. Trouble brewing in the Middle East, the regrouping of the Al Qaeda and various elements of terror groups, their re-emergence from the badlands of Afghanistan and Pakistan and the rising crescendo of bickering within Pakistan-all of this poses a serious threat to peace and stability in the region and elsewhere.

Islamabad will deploy all political and diplomatic tools to lobby in the West. But it senses failure

Trump’s comments should be ignored and New Delhi should move on to more important matters.

Kashmir now stands at the cusp of definite change vis-à-vis its attitude towards Pakistan

This report collates insights from unstructured interviews with people in South Kashmir about their lives following the Constitutional amendments of August 2019 that revoked the special status of the erstwhile state of Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370, and repealed Article 35A. The conversations with the respondents covered issues such as their livelihoods and the economy, the bureaucracy, and militancy in the region. The report is an attempt

While bus and cricket diplomacy is being played out with unbridled passion across borders, a dispassionate and more realistic discourse on human rights violations in Kashmir should form part of the new-found bon homie between India and Pakistan. There is a reason why such an assessment is important.

TRF attempts to paint a secularised image to secure more recruits and resources. It is yet to be seen whether this strategy will help it gain momentum

Over the last thirty years, Kashmir has become a conflict economy, in which conflict entrepreneurs thrive. An entire ecosystem has developed that feeds into and upon this conflict economy. And the Jamaat has been one of the primary drivers and beneficiaries of this ecosystem.

In the Kashmir Valley, violence has receded. But the situation is not normal, as evidenced by recent incidents of attacks. Normality will not come till the Union government addresses the sentiment that is exploited routinely by the Hurriyat. Normality will also be judged by the return of the exiled Pandit community to the Valley.

With a Taliban working in close tandem with Pakistan-backed militant groups, the spillover of violence into Kashmir might be a distinct possibility

In Jammu and Kashmir, AFSPA has enabled us to create conditions wherein we could hold free and fair elections and allow the state to be run by its elected representatives. And what if such military operations had not been possible or successful?

Army's decision to acknowledge a mistake in the killing of two young men in Budgam earlier this month, and the sentence to the Rajput regiment personnel, are an important first step. The people know that we cannot turn back time or get back their loved ones, but an acknowledgement of the truth of what happened helps in the healing process.

Both journalists and civil society face grave danger in Kashmir today. But as violent militancy grows, the political system seems asleep.

It is indeed tempting to wax eloquent about the shikaras full of tourists on the Dal Lake in Srinagar and the peace moves in the air between India and Pakistan. However, a pragmatic assessment of the military situation in the fifteenth year of insurgency reveals that a state of strategic stalemate now prevails in Jammu and Kashmir (J).

The Taliban walks a tightrope as it tries to balance India and Pakistan.

It is obvious that the Kashmir problem has to be resolved only through negotiations between the two Prime Ministers. With the recent election results from the four States going against the UPA, it is likely that Pakistan may not make an effective push towards a solution of the issue till the next parliamentary elections are over.

The Jammu attack has presaged a model that deepens and exploits asymmetries between two uneven actors and where the weaker side tries to balance the s

It is believed that the Kashmir Plan was a tent pole in convincing Jawaharlal Nehru about the prevailing confusion in Sheikh Abdullah's mind.

The amendment of Article 370 in August 2019, which effectively nullified the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, was a watershed moment in the history of the region that went largely uncontested by the international community. Besides China and Pakistan, most countries were unwilling to openly criticise India’s actions in Kashmir. The limited international response to India’s actions largely focused on the humanitarian situation in t

A major reason for the BJP’s latest posture is that it has nothing to offer by way of a political dialogue.

Any solution to the Kashmir issue requires a two track process involving the domestic separatists and the Pakistanis.

This brief examines the Kashmir conflict from the perspective of the young population who have grown up in tumultuous times in the Valley. It builds on findings of field surveys conducted by the author across the Kashmir Valley over the last two years, covering issues that remain unanswered three decades since the start of the insurgency. These topics include Kashmiriyat, the exodus of pandits, governance and administration, the post-2016 unrest

If India wants to show the world Kashmir is back to normal, the downed shutters, empty schoolyards and unpicked fruit will make sure it hears a differ

Since 1947, parts of Jammu and Kashmir have been under Pakistan’s illegal occupation, with India referring to the area as ‘Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK)’. The stolen region comprises two ethnically and linguistically different regions: what Pakistan calls, ‘Azad Jammu and Kashmir’ or AJK, which includes parts of Kashmir and Jammu; and Gilgit Baltistan, which is the northern most tip of Kashmir and covers parts of Ladakh. While Gilgit

This paper dissects the history and politics of Gilgit-Baltistan, a part of Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK), from the 1980s to the present day. It analyses the policies implemented by Pakistani leaders in the region and how successive political parties have attempted to justify Pakistan’s administrative control of it while disregarding any democratic, secular or moral principles in the ruling of its supposed subjects. The pap

The altering of Kashmir’s special status poses risks, but it can also help consolidate our periphery

The whole idea of ISIS Jammu & Kashmir (ISJK) is a misnomer, and its legitimacy or illegitimacy in the future of the Kashmir valley depends on Ind