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More than Afghanistan and Iraq, it is Pakistan which reflects the failure of the American foreign policy. Or is it naïve on my part to say so since the possibility of Pakistan being sheltered and supported as a nation that spawns terror groups willingly by Washington could in fact be the reality? Why would Washington, or for that matter others, ignore two recent events in Pakistan which clearly point at the regrouping of terror groups under the

On April 3 this year, a one-day conference was organised in Washington by the South Asian Studies department of the John Hopkins University. One of the sessions was on Pakistan, specifically on the safety of its nuclear installations.

In an article on the interrogation of Omar Sheikh, one of the accused in the kidnapping and murder of Daniel Pearl, the American journalist belonging to the "Wall Street Journal", written on March 13,2002, ("The Man Who knows & Talks Too Much"---http://www.saag.org/papers5/paper424.html), I had stated as follows:

Many historic moments have come and gone in Pakistan's 65 years, but never before has a democratically elected government completed a full term. As a "new" Pakistan readies for election, the question is - will Pakistanis make democracy work?

Pakistan Muslim League-N leader Nawaz Sharif's decision to withdraw support to the coalition government led by Pakistan People's Party (PPP) has only pushed Pakistan deeper into political crisis which is bound to encourage terrorist and extremist groups to consolidate their position in a nuclear-powered state staggering on the verge of becoming a dysfunctional, if not failed, state.

On July 31, 2003, Mr John S. Pistole, Deputy Assistant Director, Counterterrorism Division, Federal Bureau of Investigation, testified before the Senate Committee on Government Affairs on ``Terrorism Financing: Origination, Organisation and Prevention``. One of the key findings he referred to was the link between the terrorists involved in the September 11 attack and Pakistan.

The current discourse on the creation of new provinces in Pakistan reflects the limitations of the nation's political structures and social fabric.

Once again General Musharraf seems to be caught in a Catch 22 situation with the international community accusing his country of being a nuclear proliferator.

How Pakistan deals with Kulbhushan Jadhav’s case after the ICJ verdict and to what extent it makes serious attempts at convicting Hafiz Saeed will be test cases for Islamabad’s commitment to seeking normalisation of ties with New Delhi.

In early February when Pakistan was seen as the epicenter of nuclear trade, the United States decided to downplay the entire episode by terming it ¿a part of the past¿. When A.Q. Khan was given a ¿pardon¿ by General Musharraf for all his proliferation activities, for the US, it was merelya ¿matter between Mr. Khan and his government¿.

During his visit to Islamabad last week,Gen.Colin Powell, US Secretary of State, announced the decision of the Bush Administration to designate Pakistan as a Major Non-NATO Ally (MNNA) of the US. The decision would become effective 30 days after a notification in this regard has been sent by the President to the Congress.

Without deep structural reform, which includes reducing the size of government and curtailing the expenses on the overbearing and overfed holy cow —

Well known Pakistani economist Akbar Zaidi discussed various aspects of Pakistan?s economy with special emphasis on the period since the 1980s, at a round table conference at Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi, on February 23, 2004.

Is Pakistan's economy really at the verge of a collapse? Let us look at the facts at first. Last year, the GDP grew by 2.4 per cent; the service sector marked a growth of 4.1 per cent, the agricultural sector 1.2 per cent and remittances topped $11,201 million.

The Stand-By Agreement from the IMF staves off the possibility of Pakistan defaulting on its debt, but only temporarily, not indefinitely.

It has become apparent that Pakistan is on its way to be the next Sri Lanka as it struggles to stay afloat. 

In November this year, the world will witness one of the most keenly awaited presidential elections in Pakistan with President Pervez Musharraf seeking a second term from the existing parliament without giving up his uniform. A few months later, in early 2008, will follow the general elections for the National Assembly. Contrary to perceptions, the road to re-election may not be smooth. There are chances that the situation in Balochistan and Wazi

Pakistan's PPP-led government failed to end the domination of the military over the government, much less bring the military machine, particularly the army, under the government's control. A huge percentage of the country's budget is allocated to the military.

Pakistan's President Asif Ali Zardari is due to complete his term in office after the elections later this year. The role of General Kayani, the Army Chief who is due to complete his extended term this year, remains to be seen. It is to be noted that the ISI is also under the Army.

n July 2018, Pakistanis voted in what was the third consecutive transfer of power from one civilian government to another in the country’s 71-year history. The elections may be called a success in that winners had been declared. However, the months leading up to the elections demonstrated the power of the military, and its ability to influence election outcomes and control sections of the media. As Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf leader Imran Khan see

In well-functioning democracies where those who lose elections live to fight another day, the forthcoming general elections in Pakistan is a battle for survival for many of the main political players in the country. To begin with, the brazen intervention by the military establishment in the political process has left the polls little credibility. In many ways, the elections will set the future trajectory of politics in Pakistan. While the deck se

The power of the people has upended all expectations and predictions in this Pakistan election

The outcome of Pakistan's elections has not been particularly surprising. Nawaz Sharief's PML-N is likely to form government soon. Having a trusted hand like Sharif at the helm is a plus point, but he would have to undertake a herculean labour to transform Pakistan's condition. If he fails, there will only be despair.

The 12-point resolution approved by Pakistan's Parliament said that Islamabad must maintain "neutrality" in the Yemen conflict. Pakistan has good reasons to have rejected what could have become a quagmire for its forces. But, it has angered Pakistan's friends, Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Emirates.

With Saudi Arabia now so fearful of a rising Iran, it is quite clearly Pakistan's payback time. And Yemen could mark the beginning of a new and more significant phase in Pakistan's involvement in the security politics of the Gulf.

Whether India deals with ISI or its 'plural' ISIS, the fundamental 'inimicalness' of the Pakistani state towards India will remain the same.

The superciliousness of western media is surpassed only by Pakistan's unabashed statements on CAA and preaching secularism to India.

New Delhi's focus in the talks with Pakistan Interior Minister Rehman Malik is on the bilateral agenda- especially justice for the plotters of the 26/11 attacks on Mumbai. But it is in India's interest to widen the conversation to include the latest developments in Afghanistan where Islamabad has begun to make some big moves.

On November 2, the Wagah border which collects curious crowds on either side of the border gate to witness the interesting manoeuvres of border guards on either side were witness to a gory incident of a terrific explosion on the Pakistani side,

Some years ago when Karan Thapar interviewed Pervez Musharraf, the general was self-assured and voluble. That was before 9/11 but after Kargil. Last fortnight, he was once again voluble, and when not talking about himself, he was talking about Kashmir. But his body language showed nervousness, impatience, an edginess and even tiredness. And Thapar drove a hard bargain.

Khan’s possible ouster is unlikely to bring any radical change in India-Pakistan relations. The bilateral relationship has plateaued since PTI came to power.

All is not lost for Pakistan's Imran Khan. He may not have succeeded in "sweeping the elections" but his performance was a significant improvement from his previous outings. From having secured only one seat in 2002, his party emerged with a plurality in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.

In the Afghanistan peace process, Pakistan's significance lies more in its capability to play a destructive role than a constructive one. It is capable of scuttling the peace process and can stoke violence by supporting groups like the Haqqani network and engineer attacks against the government or foreign troops in Afghanistan.

The outcome of the February 18 elections was predetermined and the situation would only get worse as a consequence, said well-known media personality and commentator Saeed Naqvi at a talk organised by Observer Research Foundation on the Situation in Pakistan on the eve of elections on Saturday (Feb. 16).

Pakistan would continue to grapple with political instability, economic crisis and resurgence in radicalism even after the exit of former President Pervez Musharraf, leaving Pakistan Army in a jockeying position.

Since 1991, India has pursued a policy of engaging Pakistan, regardless of what the latter has thrown at us - bombs, terror assaults, fedayeen. Maybe the time has come to change course ? not by reaching out to the military or taking recourse to tit-for-tat covert war. But by encouraging the peaceful breakup of Pakistan.

The Pakistani Army is keen to repair its image after the battering it has taken following the discovery that Osama bin Laden was ensconced in a mansion in Abbotabad. And while US criticism has made international headlines,

Saudi Arabia's recent $1.5 billion grant to Pakistan re-affirms the depth of the relationship that the two countries share. It has also brought into focus their expanding defence ties and raised concerns about Pakistan's possible role in the Syrian civil war.

It would not be fair to term Syed Salahuddin's statements on Kashmir as the official Pakistan policy. But the fact that Salahuddin has been making, rather freely, statements on Kashmir, which seem to be contrary to the stance taken by Islamabad-at least for the time being-is a clear pointer to Pakistan's strategy on Kashmir.

It is possible that, unable to control the various jihadis in their country or control events in Afghanistan, Pakistan's military rulers will first try to blame India for all its troubles and then launch a diversionary jihadi attack to provoke a reaction from the Indians and bring the whole world into play.

What magnifies Pakistan PM Nawaz Sharif's dilemma in picking up a successor to Gen Kayani is his own experience of picking Pervez Musharraf way down the seniority line to lead the army and regretting it forever. He will not like to repeat his past folly.

Kashmir is in trouble. Several incidents in quick succession that shattered peace in the State over the past few weeks are ominous. Trouble brewing in the Middle East, the regrouping of the Al Qaeda and various elements of terror groups, their re-emergence from the badlands of Afghanistan and Pakistan and the rising crescendo of bickering within Pakistan-all of this poses a serious threat to peace and stability in the region and elsewhere.

When the world attention was riveted by the US-choreographed peace moves between New Delhi and Islamabad early this month, a South African Jewish businessman, Asher Karni, 50, was being trapped in a sting operation launched by the US Commerce Department and other federal investigating agencies. On January 2,

After more than two years of lull in the political arena, Pakistan is witnessing some visible and dramatic changes which can influence the political scenario in the next few months.

As tensions between Kabul and Islamabad threaten the fragile peace process in Afghanistan, the Taliban's role as a proxy for Pakistan's interests has come back into sharp focus again.

India cannot ignore what is happening in its North-West. It is not clear what is going to be Indian policy to protect its political, strategic and economic interests in Afghanistan. May be the Indian policy-makers will have to sit back and think of ways to ensure that India's role in Af-Pak region doesn't become minimal.