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In fluid strategic situations, middle powers tend to thrive more provided they are able to play their cards well.

China’s military overhaul is also connected to its ambition to elbow out the United States as a global power

While the ostensible reason for nationalisation and the obliteration of all competition was unfair practices of the companies and the protection of po

A strong alignment between India and Indonesia holds the key to Delhi's much-vaunted "strategic autonomy" and Jakarta's quest for a "dynamic equilibrium" in Asia. It will also set the template for India's security cooperation with other regional powers in Asia.

Global powers like the United States and China have spared little effort in attempting to shape the digital age in their image. At the same time, other powers like Japan and France, and emerging ones like India aim to play a part in building the global digital ecosystem. These latter three share similar values: democracy, freedom of speech, open access to digital resources, and sovereignty. They all desire to keep the digital commons intact and n

Why does Manipur continue to be on fire? Civil and human rights activists, social scientists and even the media would have you believe that the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA) is primarily responsible for this. Is that so? Why is this act necessary? What does it imply?

In Afghanistan, there are concerns among Abdullah Abdullah's supporters that he may be reduced to a mere figurehead or that Ashraf Ghani, as President, could still seek to extend his powers.

The Central Asian Republics (CARs) have, in recent years, implemented multifaceted foreign policies to achieve strategic autonomy and limit China’s influence and Russia's traditional sway. But domestic uprisings in the CARs, the Taliban's resurgence in Afghanistan, and now the Russia-Ukraine conflict have given China new opportunities to strengthen its presence in Central Asia. This brief investigates China's increased engagement with the CARs

An end to the New START in 2021 will leave the arsenals of the two major nuclear powers unencumbered by any pact

The Maldives and Sri Lanka show how they can bargain with bigger powers to their advantage.

Asian concerns regarding a Space Code are important because future challenges to space cooperation may well come from Asia, not least because so many of the new space powers are emerging from this region. The EU was late in bringing India into the process.

While the simultaneous rise of powers need not always result in a clash, the four major powers in Asia - established powers Russia and Japan, and newly rising China and India - have had troubled historical relations.

The European Union’s (EU) and India’s paths towards becoming “cyber powers” could hardly be more different. The EU has a long tradition of protecting personal privacy rights and patents, while urging to enhance multilateral norms on cyberspace. India’s thinking on cybersecurity has continuously been boosted by the cyber threats emerging from China and Pakistan. It has further been shaped by India’s domestic Information Technology indu

What is important in the UNSC decision is the symbolism of the move – a symbolism that exemplifies India’s coming of age as a global political act

Bhutan's reported decision to establish diplomatic relations with China marks an end to the system of buffer states that the British Raj had created in the 19th century to secure the subcontinent against encroachments from external powers.

The small Himalayan Kingdom of Bhutan, surrounded by two giant regional superpowers, India and China, is showing the world that simple resolve and strong political will can pave way for a huge change.

The role of the ‘small’ actors as leaders has been critical in lowering confrontations between the great powers in the Arctic. This has allowed th

2004 is a significant year for Europe. In May of this year, the European Union (EU) will induct ten new members, eight of which were part of the former Communist regime of the Soviet Union. While four of these East European states (Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia) are struggling with mounting budget deficits and contemplating awkward spending cuts, France and Germany (the dominant European powers) are immersed in a deep economic

Sri Lanka could explore and benefit more from close ties with the middle powers than equating most foreign policy decisions on binaries.

Any border settlement between India and China will be unsettling for important constituencies in both countries. If Modi has to get an agreement through Parliament and, before that, the Sangh Parivar, Xi needs to take his Politburo, if not his Central Committee with him. Both know that they can only do it now when they are at the height of their powers.

Like the western powers, China has had no qualms in serving its interest in Africa by supporting autocratic rulers.

Though South China Sea has remained contested for several decades, the recent tensions surrounding these waters have heightened the potential for it to emerge as a major flashpoint. China's recent steps have made the involvement of external powers very likely.

The risks posed by China’s military space programme is primarily to other more capable powers such as the US using space as a force multiplier.

Unlike other great powers of the past New Delhi has encountered, China impinges directly on India’s geopolitical landscape in multiple ways. The ris

Make no mistake — China under Xi’s leadership is one of the most assertive and aggressive powers the world has encountered in a long time.

A significant technological feat for China, Beijing’s accomplishment is also a reminder of the revved-up space competition among the major space powers.

As Jaishankar has pointed out, global shifts like the changing American role and increasing Chinese assertiveness have created more space for nations like India and Japan

To ride the next wave of innovation, India needs its own strategy. Its agenda for 2018 should be to leverage the hundreds of millions it brought onlin

THE United Nations Security Council (UNSC) achieved the almost impossible recently by adopting a unanimous resolution on providing access to humanitarian aid to Syria, breaking a deadlock that pitted Russia and China against the Western powers.

In recent times, the centre of gravity for global trade and economic activities has shifted to the Indo-Pacific and, consequently, there is heightened competition between global powers that have stakes in the region. The importance of connectivity has therefore come to the forefront, covering domains like digitisation with interoperable regimes comprising data protection and cyber security, along with cross-border infrastructures that need attent

Bangladesh’s Indo-Pacific Outlook, released in April 2023, is a projection of its interests in the region, and a testament to its political nonalignment and commitment to economic development. Its focus on upholding the rule of law and maintaining regional stability makes it a conducive partner for neighbouring countries and major powers in the Indo-Pacific. Bangladesh enjoys close ties with China, Japan, and the US, and a special relationship

India’s aim in engaging with BRICS may be an effort to demonstrate that it retains strategic autonomy and that it engages with all major powers irrespective of incongruences.

It may be more useful to discern the outstanding issues with global health governance, and revamp WHO’s powers to improve surveillance and complianc

Countering the militancy in Kashmir has become a highly challenging task due to the exploitation of new information and communication technology by insurgent groups. The battlefield is now a multidimensional one, encompassing both physical territory and cyberspace. The overall capabilities of insurgents have been enhanced by tools in cyberspace that are inexpensive, ever more sophisticated, rapidly proliferating, and easy to use. Militants are sy

China has discarded the traditional emphasis on criticising the arms control agreements promoted by the Western powers and focuses instead on securing Beijing's national interests by actively participating in international and regional military negotiations and shaping the international military norms.

The 21st century can emerge as the Asian century, only if there is peace and there are supportive and mutually beneficial relations between the major

Given the enormity of challenges, there is a need for all the space-faring powers to unite in this exercise. It is important for India and others to debate and decide on what it thinks the norms should be and what sort of future it wants to achieve in space.

Even as trade talks between the US and China seem set to resume, geopolitical tensions between the two powers show no sign of abating.

Mere constitutional creation of new political space would not become the answer to the growing demands for inclusion and participation in the countryside. For substantive democracy to become a reality, Centre and States need to show willingness to share powers (3Fs).

Vietnam's self-assured pursuit of a complex balance of power strategy could be a model for other medium powers in Asia who are deeply concerned about the rise of China, want Washington to balance Beijing, but are reluctant to become formal military allies of the United States.

Indian PM Narendra Modi this week makes his maiden visit as Prime Minister to Russia, one of India's closest strategic partners. This seeming delay in travelling to Russia may surprise some, given that the Prime Minister has travelled to almost all the major powers as well as most of India's immediate neighbourhood.

India's smaller neighbours are not as concerned about the reach, if any, of outside powers in the region. In this sense, the neighbourhood?s concerns about India are distinct from India's own concerns.

It will, however, be an important platform to underscore the commitment of major powers for global economic stability

Having crossed the rubicon, it can join the conversations along with other established space powers to ensure that space remains weapons-free.

The only realistic option for India and other Indian Ocean powers might well be to work alongside more able and willing partners

The country is merely following in the footsteps of other major global powers that have established military bases abroad to secure their interests.

India and France have a shared interest in developing a coalition of middle powers committed to multipolarity

Although the INF treaty may seem outdated in essence, it was crucial in making the two powers — the US and Russia — accountable. The demise of the