Introduction

India’s foreign policy has strategically realigned and is placing greater emphasis on strengthening ties with the United States (US). This bilateral relationship is regarded as a crucial alliance, bound by mutual concerns including the imperative to counter terrorism. Indeed, US-India convergence in counterterrorism has become a cornerstone of their burgeoning relationship. Analysts often attribute the endurance of this relationship to other important strategic and normative factors such as the growth of the Indian economy and population, the desire to counterbalance against China, and support for democratic governance. It is counterterrorism cooperation, however, that has been the linchpin of the relationship since 9/11 in the US and the November 2008 attacks in Mumbai.

This brief aims to underscore the importance of this collaboration, identifying areas from intelligence sharing to joint military exercises and participation in multilateral partnerships such as the Counterterrorism Joint Working Group and Quad exercises. It sheds light on the challenges threatening convergence in counterterrorism.

Pillars of India-US Partnership

Intelligence Sharing and Cooperation

Counterterrorism collaboration between the US and India is a dynamic process that includes exchanging vital information, threat assessments, and actionable intelligence to counter violent extremists. Recent instances of this collaboration include the March 2024 Security Dialogue,^[1] where mutual concerns over the presence of pro-Khalistan elements on US soil and the extradition of Tahawwur Hussain Rana, accused as having taken part in the Mumbai terror attacks, were discussed. Another significant development is the signing of the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement for Geospatial Cooperation in 2020, which is a boost to India’s efforts to build capabilities in collecting, processing, and utilising GEOINT data.^[2] The General Security of Military Information Agreements signed in 2015^[3] and the 2018 Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement^[4] further solidified the interoperability of the two countries’ militaries, including in intelligence sharing. For its part, the 2016 Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement^[5] contains provisions that address issues of logistical support and intelligence sharing; and the Industrial Security Annex of 2019^[6] promotes collaboration in defence technology and intelligence sharing. These recent examples underscore the ongoing commitment to enhancing intelligence capabilities and strengthening vigilance against evolving terrorist tactics.

Joint Military Exercises and Operations

Joint military exercises between India and the US, including Exercise Yudh Abhyas (2015), Malabar (2015), Red Flag (2016), Vajra Prahar (2017), Tiger Triumph (2019), Cope India (2020), Milan-24 (2024), and Sea Defenders (2024) all mark a positive shift in bilateral relations.^[7] These exercises enhance interoperability, foster mutual trust, and demonstrate strategic alignment between the two nations. Focusing on areas such as maritime security and counterterrorism contributes to capacity building and signifies a commitment to shared security objectives. Furthermore, these exercises serve as effective diplomatic gestures, reinforcing the strength and depth of the India-US partnership with regional and global stakeholders.

Current Challenges

Progress has been achieved over the years and efforts to enhance counterterrorism measures have intensified. The Modi-Biden partnership, however, continues to face challenges that impede the fulfilment of shared objectives. These challenges arise from differing contextual factors influencing their adversaries’ perceptions. However, with a pragmatic approach, these challenges are not insurmountable and can be effectively managed.

Scholars analysing the intersection of constructivism and foreign policy contend that the US, as a predominant global power, frequently assumes the role of a “norm revisionist”, reshaping international norms to suit its interests.^[8] American exceptionalism drives this inclination, compelling the nation to seek reform of legal normative frameworks on a global scale. Meanwhile, India’s counterterrorism approach differs from that of the US due to its regional power status and unique geopolitical context. While India primarily contends with threats from regional groups like Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed,^[9] the US is preoccupied with transnational actors such as Al-Qaeda and Islamic State (ISIS).^[10] Despite some degree of alignment in identifying terrorist entities, divergences persist in policy approaches, particularly concerning Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran.

In Afghanistan, for example, India’s priority is on stability and security, reflecting its historical ties; the US, for its part, considers broader geopolitical factors as seen in its peace agreement with the Taliban.^[11] Regarding Pakistan, the present government of India advocates for a more cautious stance due to security concerns regarding cross-border terrorism and the spillover of radicalisation into Indian territories. Meanwhile, the US employs a transactional approach, offering economic and defence incentives for counterterrorism efforts, such as support for Pakistan’s fleet of F-16 warplanes^[12] and rejoining the International Military Education and Training.^[13]

The US has a similarly transactional strategy in dealing with Iran; it asked India, during the Trump administration, to halt oil imports from Iran in exchange for designating Masood Azhar under UN sanctions as part of the “maximum pressure” campaign to deter Iranian nuclear development and support for terrorist proxies.^[14] At the same time, the Biden administration has adopted a less forceful approach, although the nuclear deal remains stalled with sanctions still in place. These differences underscore distinct perspectives on regional dynamics despite shared goals.

Divergence in Strategy

Many differences in the US’s and India’s counterterrorism perspectives also depend on their approaches and efforts to build strategy. Their approaches can be categorised as multilateral-diplomatic versus unilateral-military actions. While the US, a global power, tends to favour a unilateral and military approach, India’s approach to counterterrorism is prejudiced by its regional status and specific security challenges, and leans more towards a multilateral and diplomatic strategy.

India often engages with neighbouring countries and international partners to address shared security concerns and disrupt terrorist networks. For example, India has consistently sought diplomatic support to pressure Pakistan to address cross-border terrorism. Moreover, by engaging in multilateral forums and collaborative initiatives like the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation, Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation, and Organisation of Islamic Cooperation, India aims to leverage the importance of intelligence-sharing and expertise to mitigate security threats. In contrast, the US employs a more unilateral and military-centric counterterrorism approach.

With its wide-ranging military capabilities and global reach, the US often conducts targeted military and kinetic action against transnational terrorist organisations such as Al-Qaeda and ISIS; drone strikes as in the case of Afghanistan, Syria, and Iraq; and special operations raids against terrorist targets in various regions, such as Operation Geronimo, Operation Red Dawn, and the killing of Ayman al-Zawahiri, the Al-Qaeda chief. Overall, while both India and the US share the goal of countering terrorism, their approaches diverge due to differences in geopolitical context, national security priorities, and strategic capabilities.

These differences in approach are seen quite clearly in their divergent perspectives on countering terrorism in both Gaza and Afghanistan. Historically, the US has been a staunch supporter of Israel and has provided military aid and diplomatic backing to Israel against Hamas since Operation Al-Aqsa Flood. However, the debate over the Rafah campaign between US President Joe Biden and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reflects a downturn in the US-Israeli “special relationship”. Nonetheless, it is fair to say that the US has been relatively consistent in being supportive of Israel. The Modi government, for its part, despite being an ally of Israel, has been advocating less against Hamas and more for a mutual ceasefire to quell the violence and reach a lasting two-state solution. The latter is a position that has been promoted on occasion by certain US administrations, albeit not consistently.

In the case of Afghanistan, the US approach has been centred on military intervention, particularly following the September 2001 attacks; the aim is to dismantle terrorist networks and remove the Taliban regime. To this day, the US relies on “over the horizon” military capability to counter terrorism in Afghanistan.

Meanwhile, the Indian government’s approach to Afghanistan has focused more on development, capacity-building, and regional diplomacy. India has invested in infrastructure projects, education, and healthcare in Afghanistan to promote stability and economic growth.

Conclusion

Modi and Biden have forged a robust alliance in combating terrorism, and strides have been made in bilateral relations. Under the leadership of the Modi government, concerted efforts have been made to strengthen counterterrorism initiatives. The focus must now shift towards tackling persistent challenges in this domain. Both nations must acknowledge the enduring and multifaceted nature of their partnership, adopt a comprehensive and inclusive strategy, and foster seamless coordination among relevant agencies.

Addressing the lack of policy congruence is imperative to enhance India-US counterterrorism cooperation. While recent meetings have showcased points of alignment, the initiatives are piecemeal. Both nations must pivot towards greater institutionalisation in their counterterrorism agenda, akin to the institutionalisation witnessed in their defence ties. Building upon the dehyphenation policy pursued by the US in South Asia—wherein considerations for India and its neighbours are being made independently—institutional, department-level links with the US homeland security establishment can provide a more stable foundation to collaborations in counterterrorism.

The two countries’ leaders have agreed to work together more closely on law enforcement. They have also affirmed their commitment to teamwork in groups like the Quad Counterterrorism Working Group and international organisations such as the United Nations and the Financial Action Task Force. Their goal is to improve regional security and promote a free and open Indo-Pacific that is inclusive and is strong enough to confront challenges.^[15]

India has already begun exploring a new counterterrorism consensus within the Indo-Pacific framework, which is evident in initiatives like the counterterrorism dimension of the Yudh Abhyas 2019 exercise and the Counter Terrorism Tabletop Exercise for Quad member countries.^[16] To institutionalise its linkages with the US, India can consider decentralising its counterterrorism apparatus, drawing inspiration from the American model. Establishing a position along the lines of a director of national intelligence (DNI) under the purview of the Indian national security advisor (NSA) could streamline intelligence-gathering and dissemination processes. This would alleviate the burden on the NSA’s office and enhance operational efficiency.^[17]

Despite past attempts to institute a National Counter Terrorism Centre in India, opposition from various quarters has hindered its establishment. However, appointing a chief intelligence officer under the NSA’s purview could achieve similar objectives without infringing on the autonomy of state security agencies.^[18] By prioritising institutional links, leveraging Indo-Pacific dynamics, and adopting innovative models, India and the US can nurture a more robust, enduring partnership in counterterrorism, transcending regional complexities and broader national differences.

Finding common ground amidst regional priorities requires a nuanced understanding of each other’s perspectives. Whether opting for a multilateral or unilateral, diplomatic or military approach, it is essential to build upon ongoing collaboration and a shared commitment to addressing the multifaceted challenges posed by terrorism. As the India-US partnership in counterterrorism progresses, future collaboration can be strengthened through strategic recommendations to address evolving challenges and maximise effectiveness.

Even as established consultative platforms have managed to function in a largely efficient manner, there are challenges in insulating counterterrorism cooperation from divergences in other issues. For instance, upgrades to coordination channels are facing hurdles due to bilateral differences in the issue of data localisation. The two sides must build institutional linkages to resolve the disagreements.

---

The first version of this brief appeared in the ORF-GP volume, Aligned But Autonomous: India-US Relations in the Modi Era, which can be accessed here:

Endnotes

^[1] “Joint Statement of the 20th U.S.- India Counterterrorism Joint Working Group (CTJWG) and 6th Designations Dialogue,” Ministry of External Affairs. 

^[2] Ministry of Defence, Government of India, https://pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetailm. aspx?PRID=1667841

^[3] Rakesh Sood, comment on “The India-US Defence Partnership is Deepening,” Observer Research Foundation, comment posted on October 30, 2020, https://www. orfonline.org/research/the-india-us-defence-partnership-is-deepening

^[4] Ankit Panda, “What the Recently Concluded US-India COMCASA Means,” The Diplomat, September 9, 2018.

^[5] Ministry of Defence, Government of India, https://archive.pib.gov.in/newsite/ PrintRelease.aspx?relid=149322

^[6] Ministry of Defence, Government of India, https://archive.pib.gov.in/newsite/ PrintRelease.aspx?relid=149322

^[7] Congressional Research Service, Government of the United States, “India-US: Major Arms Transfers and Military Exercise,” December 14, 2023, https://sgp.fas.org/crs/ row/IF12438.pdf

^[8] Ian Hurd, “Breaking and Making Norms: American Revisionism and Crises of Legitimacy,” International Politics, 44 (2007): 194.

^[9] Soumya Chaturvedi, “Is Terrorism Declining in India?,” The Diplomat, January 8, 2021, https://thediplomat.com/2021/01/is-terrorism-declining-in-india/

^[10] Robin Wright et al., “The Jihadi Threat SIS, Al Qaeda, and Beyond,” United States Institute of Peace and Wilson Center, 2016, https://www.usip.org/sites/default/ files/The-Jihadi-Threat-ISIS-Al-Qaeda-and-Beyond.pdf

^[11] Kashish Parpiani and Prithvi Iyer, “Towards an India-US Consensus on Counterterrorism Cooperation,” ORF Occasional Paper No. 240, Observer Research Foundation, April 2020, https://www.orfonline.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/04/ ORF_Occasional_Paper_240_India-US-Counter_terrorism_NEW.pdf

^[12] Shamil Shams, “US Approves Support for Pakistan’s F-16s,” DW News, July 27, 2019, https://www.dw.com/en/us-approves-support-for-pakistans-f-16s-amid-afghanistan-outreach/a-49766828

^[13] “Pakistan to Rejoin Frozen US Military Training,” Arab News, December 24, 2019, https://www.arabnews.pk/node/1603271/pakistan

^[14] Shubhajit Roy, “US to India: Helping You on Masood Azhar, So End Iran Oil Imports,” The Indian Express, April 24, 2019, https://indianexpress.com/ article/india/us-to-india-helping-you-on-masood-azhar-so-end-iran-oil-imports-5691315/

^[15] “Joint Statement of the 20th US- India Counterterrorism Joint Working Group,” U.S. Department of State, March 7, 2024, https://www.state.gov/joint-statement-of-the-20th-u-s-india-counterterrorism-joint-working-group/

^[16] National Investigation Agency (Ministry of Home Affairs), https://nia.gov.in/ writereaddata/Portal/News/503_1_Pr.pdf

^[17] Parpiani and Iyer, “Towards an India-US Consensus on Counterterrorism Cooperation”

^[18] Parpiani and Iyer, “Towards an India-US Consensus on Counterterrorism Cooperation”

• International Affairs
• India
• USA and Canada
• counterterrorism
• Counterterrorism partnership post 9/11
• India
• India-US intelligence sharing
• India-US strategic alliance
• Quad exercises
• US
• US-India bilateral relationship
• US-India counterterrorism cooperation

The views expressed above belong to the author(s). ORF research and analyses now available on Telegram! Click here to access our curated content — blogs, longforms and interviews.